In this interview, Avelino Maria Coelho da Silva from the Socialist Party of Timor (PST) answers Red Ant’s questions on the origins of the PST, the clandestine movement for national liberation, the development of Timorese society and the Party’s perspectives today.

Over the coming months, Red Ant will publish other documents and interviews with socialist parties in the Asia Pacific Region. These can be read alongside interviews already conducted this year with Partido ng Manggagawang Pilipino (PMP) and Partido Sosyalista (PS).

This is a significantly updated version of an article originally posted here: https://red-ant.org/2024/03/30/the-brief-history-and-perspectives-of-the-socialist-party-of-timor/

Red Ant: What is the history of the PST? When was it established and how?

To give a brief history, the PST’s early origins lie in the evolution of an organisation established on 20 December 1981 called the Communist Youth and Student Organisation of Timor Leste (Organização da Juventude e Estudantil Communista de Timor Leste – OJECTIL).

OJECTIL was established in line with a decision made at the First Conference in Maubai-Viqueque that approved the resolution to establish the Marxist-Leninist Party FRETILIN (Partido Marxista-Leninista Fretilin – PML-F) on 3 March 1981. This conference took place in Muabai, around Ossu and Lakluta, from 1-8 March 1981 and was initiated by Comrade Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão with comrades Mau Hunu and Mau Hodu (almarhum/passed away). It had two central agenda items, the formation of the PML-F and reorganisation of the resistance [against the Indonesian New Order regime’s military occupation of Timor Leste – RA]. 

New developments and political ideological differences in FRETILIN emerged in 1985. There was decision to “dissolve the PML-F” and move to also change the war strategy. In 1989, OJECTIL split into two organisations: the Youth and Student Organisation of Timor Leste (Organização de Jovens e Estudantes de Timor Leste, OJETIL) and the Clandestine Student Front for the Liberation and Independence of Timor Leste (Frente Estudantil Clandestina para Libertação de Timor Leste, FECLITIL).

On 30 August 1988, a leader of OJECTIL went to Denpasar, Bali where he met with leaders of the National Resistance of East Timorese Students (Resistência Nacional dos Estudantes de Timor-Leste, RENETIL), such as Fernando de Araújo/La-Sama (almarhum/passed away), Siak José AMX and other founding members to discuss the possibility of establishing a common platform.

Later, the Commander-in-Chief of Armed Forces for the National Liberation of East Timor (Forças Armadas da Libertação Nacional de Timor-Leste, FALINTIL) Kay Rala Xananan Gusmão proposed the establishment the Patriotic Students League (Liga Estudantil Patriotica, LEP) as a common platform for the students and youth organisations. He also proposed that LEP be a non-party mass organisation. However, due to circumstances, the LEP’s projects were not implemented.

In 1989, OJECTIL, RENTIL and Secret Commission of the Timorese Students Resistance (Comissão Secreto da Resistência Nacional dos Estudantes Timorenses, CSRNET) members did a common action – entering the Vatican and Japanese Embassies – to draw more international attention to the conflict in Timor Leste. This action was part of the ‘Indonesianisation’ of the Political-Military conflict in Timor Leste. More precisely, exporting the struggle for liberation into Indonesian society.

With further developments, FECLITIL was disbanded on 20 December 1991 and the Socialist Association of Timor (Associação Socialista de Timor, AST) was established as a Revolutionary Front inside FRETILIN.

On 7 December 1995, AST, RENETIL and Democratic People’s Party, Indonesia (Partai Rakyat Demokratik, PRD)together did a political action by jumping into the Netherlands Embassy. The initial plan was to enter the embassies of Brazil, Russia and the Netherlands, but due to security issues was limited to the Dutch Embassy only. This was another part of mass mobilisation in Indonesia; calling for international attention and raising awareness among Indonesian youth and students.

The jumping of Embassy fences remained a political strategy of RENETIL and AST up to 1999. Leaders of AST-PST entered the Austrian embassy on 19 September 1997 and were there until 6 April 1999. As part of strategy adaption from Urban Military Guerrilla to political and diplomatic action.

In May 1995, the AST proposed to Comrade Xanana Gusmão – jailed in Cipinang, Jakarta – the establishment of a Military Unit named Black Brigade (Brigada Negra). This was approved by the Commander-in-Chief and given special status as a special force of FALINTIL with the role of developing urban guerrilla struggle in Indonesia and cities in Timor Leste. AST set up a Special Bureau to handle the Brigada Negra operation. Its headquarters were in Semarang, Central Java.

Prof. Dr. Azancot De Menezes/Matebian was the spokesperson of Brigada Negra in Lisbon, Portugal and Nuno Manuel Corvelo de Andrade Sarmento/Laloran was the Special Bureau member allocated in Macau to mobilise solidarity. Brigada Negra was coordinated by Fatuk Mutin, the Vice Secretary General of AST.  

In East Java, Fujila was appointed Secretary of Unit I of AST in Surabaya and Mau-Tula in Jember. In Jakarta Unit II, Mau Singa was the coordinator of the AST special bureau assisted by A. Martins organising the AST in Lampung. Since 1995, special members appointed to the sub-Special Bureau of AST in Dili were Lulik, Gui Campos (almarhum/passed away), Hata /Germano (almarhum/passed away), and Furama (almarhum/passed away).

In 1995, the External Representative of PST was established in Lisbon, Portugal and was coordinated by Prof. Dr. Azancot. It played a very crucial role in PST campaign and publication activities in Indonesia and Timor-Leste. In 1997, the RE-PST collected more than 5,000 signatures in Portugal calling on Indonesia to free Timorese students and PST leaders in the Austrian Embassy.

On 13 May 1997, the AST changed its name to the Socialist Party of Timor (Partido Socialista de Timor, PST) and ended ties with FRETILIN as their leadership now tended towards Social Democracy.

The AST and its members were involved in the struggle for independence since 1981, including in the fields of propaganda, mass action and urban guerilla warfare. Between 1994 – 1998, AST and PST members were involved in the movement of students and youths jumping the fences of foreign embassies in Jakarta as a form of political action, as I referred to above.

PST also contributed to mobilising youth, students and workers to vote in the Referendum on 30 August 1999 and in November 1999, the PST secretary General was appointed as a member of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor National Consultative Council (NCC-UNTAET).

What is your organisation’s social base?

The PST is composed of various elements of Timorese society. In line with its constitution, there are different membership categories: sympathiser, militant and cadre. Anyone that accepts the PST’s ideology, program and constitution can become a member.

Militants are trained to become cadre and only cadre are tasked with developing the PST’s organisation. For a sympathiser to achieve status as a militant, they must first apply to the party. After being accepted into the party structure as a militant, they will be developed ideologically to become a PST cadre. This process applies to farmers, workers and students wanting to join the PST.

The Party’s leading cadres, who are trained and conscious, will be loyal to the party’s ideological line and work hard to realise the Party’s Program. They will be unshakable and will not turn to a different party. With hardened cadre, the PST can focus on organising the people and raising their consciousness through the different instruments available.

The PST also has a mass organisation called the Union of Socialist Workers and Peasants of Timor (Sindicato dos Trabalhadores e Camponeses Socialistas de Timor, STCST) which is a vehicle for organising workers and farmers. All farmers and workers can register as a member. This organisation is also a place for militant recruitment to PST.

In line with Lenin’s theories, the PST is still in continuous Party Building; building a party of cadres that can mobilise militants to organise the masses to fight for their immediate interests – its outcome being the step by step raising of the people’s collective consciousness. The last Congress (the 5th) corrected some lines and directed the Party to be more concentrated on party cadre education as part of Party Building – making the PST a Party of cadres with capacity to mobilise the masses.

What parts of Timor Leste do you operate in and where is your stronghold?

The PST has consolidated bases in a number of villages including Waguia, Builale, Ossu de Cima (Ossu-Viqueque), Laline, Ahik (Lakluta-Viqueque), Barikafa (Luro-Lautem), Ossogori (Venilale-Baucau), Kaibada, Gariwai, Loi-Lubo, Buruma (Baucau), Foho-Alliku, Leolima (Hato-Udo – Ainaro), Lisa Dila, Maubara Lisa, Guisu (Liquiça), Railaku Leten, Poetete, Estado, Raimerhei, Era Ulu, Fatubolu, Atara, Malabe (Ermera), Kairui, Laklubar, Sananai, Kribas, Orlala, Funar (Manatuto), Manetu, Edi, Manlobas (Maubise-Ainaro), Aiasa, Atabae (Bobonaro).

In these villages, the PST has a Party Base structure led by young cadre. The number of members is few, but there is structure. In other Districts, the PST has sympathisers but no Party structures. There are base structures, but they are only strong in the fields of politics and propaganda.

In Dili, PST has bases in Bairo Komoro, Tasi Toplu, Bebonuk, Bemori, Santa Cruz, Bekora, Taibesi, Lahane Oriental, Kaikali, Mascarinhas, Bairo Pite, Bidau Masau, Akadiru Hun. These are our Militant Bases organised through the Revolutionary Popular Base Committee (CRBP). The CRBP is the most small and genuine base of militants organised by one or more cadres in their residence, workplace or school/universities. At this stage, PST does not have a mass base.

How can socialism be won in Timor Leste?

Socialism can be won as long as we are consistent and are always building the party. A strategy that the PST follows is participating in elections, using the campaign as a way to spread socialist ideas. Organisation, cadre education and constant struggle will bring victory, even if the objective situation is not yet ripe. The PST also needs to build the subjective situation, namely developing more cadre that can be deployed into the community.

The current situation will change as long as there is a revolutionary force that wants to change it. In society there is already a relatively critical consciousness. This consciousness just needs to be built and its potential further developed so that it moves into the revolutionary movement.

What is the character of production in Timor Leste? What is the most revolutionary class in Timorese society today?

During the Portuguese colonial era, the majority of the population were farmers, and this was the same during the period of Indonesian occupation. Currently, only about 20% of the population are employed outside the agricultural sector, such as in government offices, as wage workers, drivers or craftspeople/vendors (tukang). Wages are relatively low and are not enough to meet monthly expenses.

In general, farmers work on their own land or in collaboration with those who own the farming equipment. This is particularly true in paddy (sawah) cultivation. Since independence, there is now some ownership of farming equipment like tractors or hand tractors, but most farmers still use traditional farming instruments.

The mode of production in Timor Leste, in general, will lead to the victory of socialism. Either slowly or rapidly, the people will become more conscious that the situation needs to be changed, fixed and improved. Thinking in that direction shows that there is already revolutionary potential.

Getting back to your question about the most revolutionary class in Timorese society and the mode of production today, we can firstly see there are still very few factories, industries and who we might call workers – such as those who work in restaurants, hotels, supermarkets, shops and civil construction companies.  On the other hand, aside from a few areas such as in Ermera where there are some companies that own plantations, farmers work on their own land and merchants in the markets work for themselves. This makes it difficult to classify which class is the most revolutionary.

Time needs to be given still to classify or compose classes according to its consciousness. In our experience, workers only need syndicate organisation assistance when they face labour disputes, after it they still do not find it important to be members of syndicates. So what we need to do in this stage is select and recruit militants to be trained as cadres to start organising his or her families and friends; do political campaigning among students and young people; and develop the workers’ and farmers’ organisation.

At this stage, very few elements are progressive and oriented to being a revolutionary element within society. As I mentioned before, the cadres of PST will build up a revolutionary class able to transform the society and set up socialism with Timorese nature/characteristic – or as we call it humanist socialism based in East Timorese culture. The CRBP plays an important role on that direction.

What are your organisation’s short-term and long-term plans?

There are a number of steps that the PST needs to take. Firstly, the party needs to participate in elections to ensure it stays alive. Under the Law on Political Parties, a party that does participate in elections for over five years will be forced to disband. Re-registering would need 20,000 supporters.

It is normal for the Party’s vote to increase and decrease. The PST has 1,250 militants and 250 cadre. They are active and always choose the PST. In terms of sympathisers, it is normal for their vote to increase, decrease and change. At this stage, the PST has not set a target of votes, but participates in elections to preserve the party’s legality.  

To maintain the PST’s existence, the organisation’s program, cadre education and propaganda must continue. But we can’t set targets to be won in a short amount of time. The revolutionary movement must be patient, tough and steadfast in carrying out its revolutionary tasks.

PST is also preparing its structures and cadres to participate in coming municipality elections as a forum for ideological campaigning and to get two or three seats in the municipal assemblies. This is part of testing the results of Party Building.